Section 6:  Source Materials Part IV: Interviews and Information Gathering Conducted by or on Behalf of Ann O’Hear: Various Informants, 1991-1996

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6.1 Anonymous research assistant, 1990-1994: Background information and report  on slavery and its aftermath in dependent villages around Ilorin


6.2 Jimoh/Adetunji research reports, 1994 and 1996


6.2a Background information on Jimoh/Adetunji 1994, 1996 
6.2b Jimoh/Adetunji research questions and reports 1994, 1996, and correspondence
   6.2b(i) Jimoh/Adetunji research questions and report  1994
   6.2b(ii) Jimoh/Adetunji research questions and report 1996
   6.2b(iii) Extracts from correspondence Adetunji/O’Hear


6.3 Anonymous informant, report, written in 1995, on the 1979 elections, including  those in the dependent rural areas around Ilorin, largely populated by descendants of slaves

Table of Contents

6.1 Anonymous research assistant, 1990-1994: Background information and report on slavery and its aftermath in dependent villages around Ilorin

 

 

This is a record of a project that met with serious problems and left my research assistant very fearful for his safety. In spite of all this, however, he was still able to provide interesting information on the state of relations between Ilorin “owners” and their dependent villages, and an indication of the control that the “owners” still exerted over the people who remained in the villages, although this had not prevented numbers of younger people from going to the south to find work.

 

My research assistant/informant in this case was a native of Ilorin and had worked successfully for me and for other researchers. In the early 1990s, he was teaching at a secondary school in the area around Ilorin, and I hoped this might assist him in gaining access to inhabitants of dependent villages.

 

In August 1990 I sent him a variety of slavery-related questions. In my notes, I  told him I thought it was best left up to him to decide exactly how he should ask them. Some of these were questions for any well informed persons in Ilorin or its districts. But I also asked him to elicit information from “at least one village where former slaves live . . . at least one [interviewee] should be of slave descent . . . if possible. . . You will have to go very carefully here, as people are not likely to be interested in admitting they are descended from slaves, but you may be able to work out by indirect means whether they are or not. . . . I do realise—as you have said—that some of this is very sensitive information, and you may not be able to get all of it. So just do your best, and send me what you can. Don’t rush it—you don’t want to do anything to antagonise your informants.”

 

Unfortunately, in the event he met with serious and potentially dangerous antagonism, which caused him to abandon the project, despite the fact that he had tried to exercise caution and had elicited the help of a student from the area. Unfortunately, our inability to remain in contact precluded any on-going discussions about the project and its viability or otherwise. In addition, the statements my research assistant made to villagers during a preliminary visit, alleging that “the Kwara State government wanted to establish some industries and that some of us wanted one or two of such industries to be sited in their areas. So we wanted to know what type of raw material” was produced there and who produced it, proved to be unwise. His statements may well have reached the ears of the “owners” of one or more of the villages through reports from village heads (Bales), and thus triggered the antagonism that he met.

 

Communication with Nigeria had become very difficult in the first half of the 1990s. The first (and only) report I received from my research assistant was contained in a long letter which he wrote on 10th June 1994, indicating that he had sent me a “comprehensive report” in July or[?] August in 1991, and that he had written again in 1992. By 1994 he had concluded that the reason he had not heard from me was probably that I had not received the letters. In June 1994 he was able to send his latest letter with a friend who was travelling to London and who mailed it on to me in the United States.

 

In the letter he describes his experiences. He had identified three villages not far from his school (identified only as Villages A, B, and C in the extended extract from the letter which is transcribed below) as potential sources of information. He had obtained a motorcycle because the roads were very bad and motor vehicles did not regularly go to these areas (an indicator of their poverty and lack of easy access to the city of Ilorin). He proceeded with caution, paying two preliminary visits to the villages. He paid a first visit to the three villages, telling their Mogajis or Bales that he was doing some work and would want them to do some things for me. On his second visit he took along one of his students to improve his credibility. This student was a native of Village C and was well known to inhabitants of the other two villages. On the third visit, he planned to conduct his interviews.

 

The text that follows has been extracted from his original handwritten account contained in the letter of 10 June 1994 and transcribed.

 

The portions of the text that I deleted to protect the identity of my informant and that of his student and to disguise the location are indicated thus: [ . . . ]. I have also removed the names of the three villages , and replaced them with references to Villages A, B, and C.

 

 

“THE RESEARCH”: MY STORY AND EXPERIENCES

 

          Since you told me of your interest on slave research and I enumerated some villages said to be “initially”  or originally occupied by slaves. The villages not too far away from [ . . . ] where I was then teaching, include Villages A, B, and C, to mention just a few along the [ . . . ] side of Ilorin. I started visiting these villages to familiarise myself with them. In my school then, there were students from the villages. [ . . . ] However, there was another from Village C. His name is [ . . . ]. To enhance my movement I got a motorbike of [ . . . ] who is a medical personnel at [ . . . ]. I settled for his motorbike because vehicles does not ply these areas on regular basis. Vehicles that do ply on regular basis do stop at [ . . . ].

          On my first visit, I got to Villages A, B and C. Remember, I told you the roads are very very bad. That’s why commercial vehicles does not ply the areas on regular basis. I told their Mogajis or Bales that I was doing some work and that I would want them to do some things for me.

          On my second visit, I took along [the student ] from Village C to enhance my credibility. Of course the boy was known in the three villages. In fact, Village B and Village C are [so] close that you find it difficult to distinguish which is which unless you are told. I had to tell them some lies in order to get their cooperation. First, I told them that the Kwara State government wanted to establish some industries and that some of us wanted one or two industries to be sited in their areas. So we wanted to know what type of raw material is produced there and who and who [sic] produce such. You see, I said this, to know about how slaves work or what they produce et al. I equally told them that Dr. Olusọla Saraki was interested in the project and that he too wanted to do same. You should know that Dr. Saraki is well respected and regarded in Ilorin and its environs. So I told them I would be coming back for the interview.

          So on my third visit, I took [the student] with me . . .  We got to Village A and I told them, I would se them on my way back from Village B and Village C. When I got to Village B, the Bale did not cooperate at all. He was with two of his brothers, all elderly. One of his brothers, called Salimọnu, was indeed very hostile. He [words unclear] and warned his brother not to tell me anything. That if I wanted anything on slave or any thing about the village I should go to Balogun Gambari in Ilorin. (That portion of the village belongs to Balogun Gambari, and a sign post was still standing as at when I last went there in 1991 March-April indicating that the village belongs to Balogun Gambari.) I told them I have been to the Balogun and he had told me almost everything, that I was only trying to corroborate. All my plea went on deaf ear. So I proceeded with the boy to his village, Village C (very close to Village B) but there also stood another sign board indicating that Village C belongs to Balogun Ajia (a junior war commander in the then Ilorin Army).

          I think because of their son, and me been his teacher they attended to me. Those in attendance were mostly old women about eight of them, and [ . . . ]’s uncle who simply identified himself as [ . . . ] surname. I was able to ask them some questions which they answered very cautiously. Indeed, they sometimes look at each other or before answering some of my questions.

          Immediately I finished at Village C, we took off to go to Village A. I thought I was through with Village B people but I was very wrong. The Bale [of Village B] was waiting for me outside his house along the road. This time around, he was with about ten able bodied young men whom I guess had just returned from the farm. He stopped us and asked me to come into his house. I told him it was better for us to stay at the veranda. He agreed. He asked for all that I have been doing at Village C. I just told him I was not doing anything special, since he refused to answer my questions. Then he said he would not allow me to go. Seen those people around me, I decided to play cool. I sat with him. In fact to cut the story short he detained me for more than one and half hours. Ma, I don’t always want to remember this episode, the agonies I went through (psychologically) was depressing. Here I am, in a place where there exist no police station, nobody except [ . . . ] knows my whereabout. So, I started praying within me, and some other people  were begging him on my behalf. Later my consciousness began to function. I started boasting of my birth and family in Ilorin. I remember I told him that I am related to the [ . . . ] of Ilorin. I think this did the trick. He warned me very sternly and insisted that whatever they told me at Village C represented theirs and not in any way that of his village, Village B. Anyway, I left him eventually but I was trembling, imagining what could have happened had it been all entreaties failed. It was in this state of mind that we arrived [at] Village A.

          At Village A, many people were waiting for me. They were all outside sitting under the tree. I think they were about twenty, old women and men. There were about four motorbikes parked beside them. I was never expecting such a crowd. I was afraid. An old woman who dressed half-naked demanded from me what I wanted from them. That they were and [?] that I had called several times. I realised the atmosphere was not conducive for me to conduct any interview there. I equally felt that probably the Bale of Village B must have sent to them and that’s why he detained me so that his messenger could get there before me. And probably the motorbikes were at standby to pursue me in case. So with all these, I told them I was very tired and that I would call the following day for their own interview. That was how I left them. But I was not composed. I rode with fears and was speeding thinking they might consider my excuse as not genuine enough and pursue me. In this situation, I had an accident. The boy I was carrying had a deep cut on his head and lost one of his fingernails. While I had a deep cut on my left leg. The accident occurred very close to a village called [ . . . ]. So I got assistance from the villagers. I took the boy to [ . . . ] health centre where he was treated and I also. The machine was [so] badly damaged that I had to spend about five hundred naira to repair it. That was how the whole thing went.

 

 

MY  INTERVIEW WITH VILLAGE C PEOPLE

 

I asked them how they came to stay at Village C. I was told that the village was set up by Ajia on one of his war expeditions. That seen that the place was close to a river [ . . . ] he decided to settle some of his people there.

          I asked whether he settled his slaves there. When I asked this question, they looked at each other before answering yes. From their attitude I guess they are of slave origin. (I confirmed this from Ajia Ogbonde at Ilorin.)

          On how the slave then worked. They said the slave cultivate land and the produce given to their owner, i.e Ajia. That the locust bean trees around [unclear] still harvested and taken to the Ajia up till today. That they keep some or part of the produce for themselves. They couldn’t remember or say whether the slaves then worked in gang. They say they worked in the farm and return home later.

          They said it was the practice for slaves to have a small separate farm called Abuse on his own. Proceeds from such is his and can also be shared with his master.

          I asked if they still pay Isakọlẹ to the Ajia. They said yes, and that part of the locust bean harvested each year is still taken to him, so also other farm produce. (The sign post indicating the land as belonging to the Ajia is still there.)

          Another pointer to the fact that they are probably of slave origin was that I asked them if they have home in Ilorin or elsewhere. They said, Village C is there home and that it is only the Ajia who is there master that could be regarded as there home in Ilorin. I asked maybe they have settlers from other places. They said no. (All these were confirmed in Ilorin as well.) However, the number of houses in the village are so small. Say about four or five building comprising the village. I asked them about others, especially  their children, I was told many are in Lagos, working. These children do come home during important festivals and ceremonies.

          I asked them whether many slaves ran away from their area during the colonial era. They said they could not remember but that the influence of their master became weak, though they still regard the Ajia as their master.

         On whether they know anything like Murgu, they said no. When I realised they were becoming uncomfortable with my questions and were becoming too suspicious, I ended the interview.

 

6.2 Jimoh/Adetunji research reports, 1994 and 1996

(i) Jimoh/Adetunji research questions and report Set 1 1994

Questions

Apado

At what date did the UMS mission begin work in Apado?

At what dates (approx) did other missions begin work in Apado?

Were there any mission schools in Apado in the 1950s? If so, which missions were running them?

Who were the main Ilorin Talaka Parapo (ITP) or Action Group leaders in Apado in the 1950s?

What (in each case) were their religious affiliations? (traditional? Muslim? UMS? Other Christian denomination?)

 

Had any of them attended a mission school, in Apado or elsewhere? If so, who, and what schools?

 

In one of the Ilorin files (Kaduna Archives) it is reported that there was a UMS mission at Apado in the 1950s, that Apado was an ITP stronghold, and that it was the Christians who were the ITP activists, eg in the village council. Is all this correct?

 

Can you possibly give details, if the statement is not completely correct?

 

Why was it that Apado was an ITP stronghold, when most of the rest of Igporin District was NPC?

 

How did Apado people vote in the elections of 1979? (eg largely UPN? largely NPN?)

 

Who were the major UPN leaders in/from Apado in the 1970s?

 

What (in each case) were their religious affiliations?

 

Had any of them attended a mission school or schools, in Apado or elsewhere? If so, who, which schools, and where?

 

Is Prince Titus Ajibola a native of Apado? Is he a member of the royal family? What is his religious affiliation? Did he attend mission schools? If so, which schools and where?

 

Who were the major NPN leaders in/from Apado in the 1970s?

 

What (in each case) were their religious affiliations?

 

Had any of them attended a mission school or schools, in Apado or elsewhere? If so, who, which schools, and where?

 

Okutala

 

At what date (approx) did the SDA mission begin work in  Okutala?

 

At what dates (approx) did other missions begin work in Okutala?

 

Were there any mission schools in Okutala in the 1950s? If so, which missions were running them?

 

Who were the main Ilorin Talaka Parapo (ITP) or Action Group leaders in  Okutala in the 1950s?

 

What (in each case) were their religious affiliations? (traditional? Muslim? SDA? other Christian denomination?)

 

Had any of them attended a mission school, in Okutala or elsewhere? If so, who, and what schools?

 

How did Okutala people vote in the elections of 1979? (eg largely UPN? largely NPN?)

 

Who were the major UPN leaders in/from Okutala in the 1970s?

 

What (in each case) were their religious affiliations?

 

Had any of them attended a mission school or schools, in Okutala or elsewhere? If so, who, which schools, and where?

 

From newspapers, I read that a Mr. Joshua Ajagbe Adefalu from Okutala stood for election in 1979, and that a Mr. Sola

 

Adefalu from Okutala was a leader in the Oke Moro/Oke Asa Progressive Association.

 

Are these the same person? (and which is the correct name?)

 

Or from the same family?

 

(if they are two separate people, please could you answer the 3 following questions about both of them ?)

 

What is his religious affiliation? Did he attend a mission school or schools, in Okutala or elsewhere? If so, which schools, and where?

 

Who were the major NPN leaders in/from Okutala in the 1970s?

 

What (in each case) were their religious affiliations?

 

Had any of them attended a mission school or schools, in Okutala or elsewhere? If so, who, which schools, and where?

 

Shao

 

At what date did the SDA mission begin work in Shao?

 

At what dates (approx) did other missions begin work in Shao?

 

Were there any mission schools in Shao in the 1950s? If so, which missions were running them?

 

Who were the main Ilorin Talaka Parapo (ITP) or Action Group leaders in Shao in the 1950s?

 

What (in each case) were their religious affiliations? (traditional? Muslim? SDA? other Christian denomination?)

 

Had any of them attended a mission school, in Shao or elsewhere? If so, who, and what schools?

 

How did Shao people vote in the elections of 1979? (eg largely UPN? largely NPN?)

 

Who were the major UPN leaders in/from Shao in the 1970s?

 

What (in each case) were their religious affiliations?

 

Had any of them attended a mission school or schools, in Shao or elsewhere? If so, who, which schools, and where?

 

What family is Wole Oke a member of? What is his religious affiliation? Did he attend mission schools? If so, which schools and where?

 

Who were the major NPN leaders in/from Shao in the 1970s?

 

What (in each case) were their religious affiliations?

 

Had any of them attended a mission school or schools, in Shao or elsewhere? If so, who, which schools, and where?

 

Could you give me some details of your major informants? Eg

Name

 

Compound

 

Town

 

Age (or approx age)

 

Any other relevant information

 

Whether each informant will allow his/her name and compound to be mentioned, or whether he/she prefers to be listed as “anonymous informant from Apado” etc?

 

Report

INTRODUCTION

              Shao and Okutala formerly belonged to Ilorin Division of Kwara State, Nigeria. By virtue of further creation of Local Government Areas in 1976, the two towns fell under Moro Local Government Area of Kwara State Nigeria. For administrative purposes, the two towns are located in different districts in the local government. While Shao belongs to Oloru District, Okutala falls under Lanwa District.

              Apado, another case study, falls under Ilorin East Local Government Area of Kwara State.

              However, the three towns are having the following things in common.

(i) The three towns voted en mass for Ilorin Talaka Parapo (A.G.) Action Group in the 1950s as well as for U.P.N. in the 1970s.

(ii) Shao, Okutala and Apado are predominantly Christians, Islam and Traditional religion put together are in the minority.

(iii) The three towns can trace their ancestors back to Yorubas in the South/West part of Nigeria.

 

APADO

1.The exact date of UMS work in Apado is not known. But there was clear evidence that the Church walls were standing in the year 1933. Informal schooling began under U.M.S. around 1928. Formal classroom teaching began sometime in 1947.

 

2.     a. Roman Catholic Mission began work sometime in 1964.

b. Christ Apostolic Church (C.A.C.) was also established in the late 50’s.

 

3. Informal schooling began under U.M.S. around 1928 and formal schooling began in 1947. So in the 50’s U.M.S. Primary school had been in existence.

4. Leaders of Ilorin Talaka Parapo (I.T.P.) in Apado included the following:

    1. Late Pa Micheal Alao

    2. Pa Joshua Ibitoye

    3. Mohammed Odeyemi Asona

    4. Okanla Asanlu

5. The leaders were of Christian religion and basically of U.M.S. origin.

6. None of the leaders attended any formal schools.

 

7. The statement under this section is very correct.

 

8. Apado does not belong to the same cultural group as the rest of Igporin District. Secondly, Christian religion serves as an eye opener in fighting for one’s right.

 

*N.P.C. was the party in Government in Northern Nigeria and the influence of the District Heads particularly in their various seats cannot be over emphasised.

 

* Northern Peoples Congress.

 

9. Apado people voted largely for  U.P.N. during the 1979 election.

 

10. Major UPN leaders in/from Apado in the 70’s included the following:

 

1. Pa Joshua Ibitoye

 

2. Late Cornileus Adebayo Adekunle

 

3. Prince T.S. Ajibola

 

4. Mr. Jacob Ogundele

 

5. Iyanda Joseph Barber

 

6. Pa Samuel Kayode

 

7. Deacon T. Asipade

 

8. Salami Elero

 

9. Memudu Olarewaju

 

10. Ahmed Amao

 

11. Alhaji Oniru

 

*12. Iyaafin Ayoka Adebayo   *a lady

 

13. Alhaji Aweda Yusuf

 

14. Mr. D.D. Kayode

 

15. Mr. D.S. Banji

 

16. Mr. S.F. Oshin

 

17. Mr. A.K. Oshin

 

18. [name removed to protect an individual]

 

19. Mr. Peter Adebola

11. Most of the leaders of U.P.N. in the 1970’s were predominately Christians of U.M.S., with the exception of names against numbers 11 and 13.

 

12.         Late C. Adebayo Adekunle                          UMS Primary, Jebba

              Prince T.S. Ajibola                                        UMS Primary Alera/Babaloma

                                                                                   Elemementary Trs College, Igbetti

              Mr. Jacob Ogundele                                     UMS Primary Apado

                                                                                   Bishop Smith Memorial College

              Pa Samuel Kayode                                      UMS Bible School—Share

              Mr. D.D. Kayode                                           UMS Share/Jebba

                                                                                   UMS Mokwa Teachers College

              Mr. D.S. Banji                                               UMS Apado & Share

                                                                                   UMS Mokwa Teachers College

              Mr. S.F. Oshin                                               UMS Alera

                                                                                   UMS Mokwa Teachers College

              Mr. A.K. Oshin                                              UMS Share

              [name removed to protect an individual]                                                     

              Mr. Peter Adebola                                         UMS Apado

13. Prince Titus Ajibola is a native of Apado. He is a member of the royal family. He is a Christian of U.M.S. denomination.

 

Yes, he attended UMS mission schools.

 

Primary Schoolings at Alera and Babaloma

 

Elementary Teachers College at UMS Igbetti

 

Higher Teachers College at ECWA College Igbaja.

 

14. N.P.N. major leaders in Apado in the 1970s:

 

--Deacon S.B. Alao was appointed by the N.P.N. government to serve as the Councillor for Education in the defunct Oshin Local Government Area of Kwara State.

 

--Ma Ruth Ibitoye—Lady Chairman

 

--Chief Abraham Owoyale

 

--Deacon Peter Alao Kayode

 

--Late Pa Hussan Ologogi

 

15. They were all Christians under the UMS except for the last name who changed to Roman Catholic Mission later in his Christian life.

 

16. Deacon S.B. Alao was the only individual that had opportunity for formal education. He attended UMS primary school in Share, proceeded for Teachers Grade III Certificate in E.T.C. Igbetti and thereafter his Higher Teachers Certificate in ECWA Teachers College, Igbaja.

SOURCES OF INFORMATION:                  Compound                              Age

1. Peter Adebola                                             Ile Ago                                60 yrs.

 

Nig. Herald Newspaper                                 

 

Company, Ilorin.

 

2. Mr. David B. Kayode                                 Oke Asanlu                          50  yrs.

 

College of Education, Ilorin.

 

3. Mrs. Mary A. Kayode                                Oke Asanlu                          47 yrs.

 

College of Education, Ilorin.                         

 

4. Mr. D.S. Banji                                            Ile Asipade                          50 yrs.

 

6. Prince T.S. Ajibola                                       Ile Baale                            65 yrs.

 

The above named individuals will certainly not mind if their names are mentioned in the write up. They all are from Apado town.

OKUTALA

1. Seven Day Adventist (SDA) mission began work in  Okutala in the year 1947.

 

2. The only other mission after SDA at Okutala is Baptist Church and it began work in Okutala in the year 1986.

 

3. There was no mission school in Okutala in the 1950s.

 

4. The main Ilorin Talaka Parapo (ITP) or Action Group leaders in Okutala in 1950s are:

 

(a) Mr. Joshua Adefalu

 

(b) Mallam Jimoh Oro

 

(c) Alhaji Isiaka Ayinde Jimoh

 

5. Their religious affiliation varied from each other i.e. Mr. Joshua Adefalu is a Christian (SDA member) while Mallam Jimoh Oro and Alhaji I.A. Jimoh are Muslims.

 

6. None of them attended mission school either in Okutala or elsewhere.

 

7. Okutala voted en mass for UPN party in the election of 1979. They voted only for UPN and there was no vote for the other party – NPN.

 

8. The major UPN leaders at Okutala in the 1970s are:-

 

(a) Mr. Joshua Adefalu

 

(b) Mr. Amos Fajobi

 

(c) Mr. Adebola Ajagbe Adefalu

 

(d) Alhaji Isiaka Ayinde Jimoh

 

(e) Mallam Jimoh Oro (Late)

 

9. Their religious affiliations are as follows:

 

(a) Mr. Joshua Adefalu, Adebola Ajagbe Adefalu and Amos Fajobi are all Christians. Alhaji Jimoh Oro and Alhaji Isiaka Ayinde Jimoh are Muslims.

 

10. Only Mr. Adebola Ajagbe Adefalu attended mission schools. He attended SDA primary School, Osi, Kwara State. He later attended SDA Grammar School, Ede, now in Osun State of Nigeria.

--Mr. Joshua Adefalu was only taught how to read the Bible by the missionaries, he did not attend any formal school.

 

--Others did not attend mission school

 

11. Referring to the newspaper publication that you read which mentioned Joshua Ajagbe Adefalu who you said stood for election in 1979, and one Mr. Sola Adefalu a leader of Oke Moro/Oke Asa Progressive Association, the following are the findings:

 

These people are of the same family but not the same person.

 

(a) The correct names are as follows:

 

(i) Mr. Joshua Adefalu is the father to Mr. Adebola Ajagbe Adefalu. These are the correct names and their relations.

 

(ii) Mr. Joshua Adefalu who is the father did not contest any election in 1979 but the son Mr. Adebola Ajagbe Adefalu contested at Primary level the election of 1979. He however lost the primary to Mr. Amos Fajobi of the same party in the same town.

 

(b) Mr. Adebola Ajagbe Adefalu is a Christian, a member of SDA.

 

Mr. Joshua Adefalu (father) is also a Christian. He is also a member of SDA.

 

Mr. Adebola Ajagbe Adefalu attended mission schools. He attended SDA primary school Osi, in Ekiti Local Government

Area of Kwara State and SDA Grammar School in Ede now in Osun State of Nigeria.

 

(c) Mr. Joshua Adefalu (father) did not attend any school but he was taught how to read the Bible by the SDA missionaries.

 

12. There was no single NPN member or leaders in Okutala in the 1970s. In fact all the people in Okutala voted en block for

U.P.N. in 1979 election.

 

SOURCES OF INFORMATION:

NAME                                                COMPOUND                         TOWN                                    AGE

 

Mr. Joshua Adefalu                            Ile Oriokuta                            Okutala                                    72

 

Mr. Amos Fajobi                                 Ile Alaagba                            Okutala                                    56

 

And two sources who preferred to be anonymous. The rest of the informants would not mind if their names are published in your write up.

 

SHAO

1. Seven Day Adventist (SDA) mission began work in Shao in the year 1914.

 

2. The following missions began in Shao after SDA.

 

(a) S.I.M.-E.C.W.A. church 1952

 

(b) Cherubim and Seraphim (C&S) 1975

 

(c) Christ Apostolic Church (C.A.C.) 1982

 

(d) Foundamental Baptist Church 1987

 

(e) Baptist Church 1989

 

3. The only mission school in Shao in the 1950s was Seven Day Adventist Primary School. The school was run by the SDA mission. However, all the mission schools in the country were converted to (L.G.E.A.) Local Government Education Authority in the year 1976 when (UPE) Universal Primary Education was introduced by the government of Nigeria.

 

4. The following people were leaders of Ilorin Talaka Parapo or Action Group in Shao in the 1950s:

 

(a) Daniel Kehinde

 

(b) P.A. Ibrahim Adelakun (Late)

 

(c) Ahmadu Eja

 

(d) Babatunde Oke

 

5. Their religious affiliations are as follows:

 

(a) Daniel Kehinde is a Christian and he is a member of Seven Day Adventist (SDA)

 

(b) Babatunde Oke is a Christian and he is a member of E.C.W.A. church

 

(c) The other two leaders Ahmadu Eja and P.A. Ibrahim Adelakun (Late) are both Muslims.

 

6. None of the leaders attended mission school.

 

7. Shao people voted en block for the UPN in the year 1979. In fact NPN did not get a single vote at Shao in the 1979 election. The reason is that they want total freedom from Ilorin domination. Also the candidate that contested under the platform of UPN into the Kwara State House of Assembly is from Shao. He is Mr. Hon. Stephen Wole Oke.

 

8. The major UPN leaders in Shao in the 1970s are:

 

(a) Honourable Stephen Wole Oke

 

(b) Aminu Baba Alawo

 

(c) Baba Kinrinji

 

9.Their religious affiliations are as follows:

 

(a) Hon. Stephen Wole Oke—Christian, member of E.C.W. A. church.

 

(b) Aminu Baba Alawo and Baba Kinrinji are both Muslims.

 

10. Only Hon. Stephen Wole Oke attended mission school, others did not.

 

--Hon. Stephen Wole Oke attended S.I.M.-E.C.W.A. Demonstration Primary School Idera and Igbaja respectively.

 

11. Hon. Stephen Wole Oke was a UPN member.

 

(a) He is a Christian a member of E.C.W.A. church.

 

(b) He attended mission school at primary level. He attended S.I.M.-E.C.W.A. Demonstration Primary School Idera and Igbaja respectively.

 

12. There was no NPN member in Shao in the 1970s. NPN had no single vote during the 1979 election in Shao. In fact all the votes went for the UPN candidate—Honourable Stephen Wole Oke. The people of Shao deliberately voted en mass for the UPN because they wanted total liberation from the domination of Ilorin people. To this end, Shao people preferred to vote against the Ilorin people who were predominantly NPN.

 

13. Since there was no NPN member their religious affiliations/schools attended were not applicable.

 

SOURCES OF INFORMATION

 

NAME                                                COMPOUND                         TOWN                          AGE

 

1 Honourable Stephen Wole Oke         Ile Eiyeba                              Shao                            47

 

2 Aminu Baba Alawo                           Bolude comp.                         Shao                            65

 

3 Baba Kirinji                                       Dogo compound                     Shao                            70

 

4 Daniel Kehinde                                 Dogo comp.                            Shao                            56

 

5 Ahmadu Eja                                      Oke siniga                              Shao                            61

 

6 Babatunde Oke                                Eiyeba comp.                          Shao                            72

 

NB. The informants above will not mind if their names are published in your write up.

 
 
 

6.2b(ii) Jimoh/Adetunji research questions and report Set 2 1996

 

Questions

 

Apado, Okutala, and Shao [including follow-up questions from Set 1]

 

Apado

 

1. In the 1950s, one of the leaders of the ITP was Mohammed Odeyemi Asona. Was he UMS or a Muslim?

 

2. In the 1970s, was Madam Ruth Ibitoye the Lady Chairman of the NPN for Apado? Or for the whole LGA?

 

[questions 3 and 4 removed to protect an individual]

 

5. Salami Elero and Memudu Olarewaju are listed as UPN leaders. Are they Muslims or Christians?

 

6. Is Iyaafin Ayoka Adebayo married into the royal family? What is the meaning of “iyaafin”? What is her function as “iyaafin”?

 

Okutala

 

1. Is Mr. Amos Fajobi (listed as a UPN leader in the 1970s) a member of the SDA, or ECWA?

 

2. Is Okutala in Lanwa District, or Ejidongari District? If it is now in Lanwa District, was it ever included in Ejidongari District?

 

3. What are the traditions of origin of Okutala? Eg when was it founded and by whom? Was it founded by one person or group, or by several? Where did its founder(s) come from?

 

Shao

1. Is Babatunde Oke the father of Wole Oke? Or other close relative? (both are listed as coming from Eiyeba Compound)

 

2. What secondary school did Wole Oke attend? What institution(s) of higher education did he attend? What is his profession?

 

3. In records of the early colonial period, the Ajia Atikekere was listed as Shao’s official “Village Head.” When was the Ohoro officially recognised as the Village Head? And how did this change come about?

 

4. What do Shao people remember about the Ajia Atikekere?

 

5. In the 1950s, did the Ohoro and his family have any political affiliation? If so, what?

 

6. In the 1970s, did the Ohoro and his family have any political affiliation? If so, what?

 

 

District Heads

 

1. Is Saidu Alao, DH of Bala and brother of Emir Abdulkadir, still alive? If not, when did he die, and who is now the DH of Bala? (give name and relationship to the royal family)

 

2. Who replaced Sulu Gambari as emir? In what month and year was he chosen?

 

3. What is the name of the present Magaji Ojuekun? In what year did he become Magaji?

Is the Magaji Ojuekun also DH of Onire? Or does the post of DH of Onire go to another member of the Ojuekun family? If so, since when has the District Headship of Onire been given to a family member, but not the Magaji Ojuekun himself?

 

Is there still a quarrel between the Ariyibi family (of Onire District) and the Magaji Ojuekun family? If so, in what ways has this quarrel expressed itself in recent years?

 

[other questions were included in this section, but no replies were received]

 

Local Government Areas

1. In what year were Asa, Moro, and Ilorin Local Government Areas set up?

 

2. In what year were they further subdivided? What were the names of the new LGAs?

 

3. Were these new LGAs later cancelled, and a return made to Asa, Moro, and Ilorin? If so, when?

Districts

 

1. At some point in the past, some villages in the southern part of Afon District became part of, I think, Oyun District. These villages included Ikotun. Can you tell me when this happened, and what other villages were involved?

 

2. The small village of Ajagusi used to be in Afon District. Is it still in Afon District, and if not, what district is it in? What Village Area is it part of?

 

3. The village of Ago Oja is in Afon District. Is it in Osin Aremu Village Area?

 

4. Are Gama, Oko Jimba, and Jimba Oja in Ajasse District?

 

J.A. Otunola and the village of Elesin-Meta

 

Lawyer J.A. Otunola represented the village of Elesin-Meta (in Igporin District) during the Chieftaincy Panel of the late 1970s. Is he a native of this village?

 

Report

APADO

1. Mohammed Odeyemi Asona was a Christian—a U.M.S. The man is dead. He died 3 to 4 years ago.

 

2. Madam Ruth Ibitoye was the Lady Chairman of the NPN for Apado not for the whole LGA.

 

[answers 3 and 4 removed to protect an individual]

 

5. Salami Elero and Memudu Olarewaju are listed as Christians of UMS/UMCA denomination.

 

6. Iyaafin  Ayoka Adebayo is not married into the royal family. The word “Iyaafin” in its original meaning is the most senior woman in the palace. She is the coordinator or the reference point for all the women in the palace. In recent times the word Iyaafin has lost its original meaning and it is being used to refer to any married woman and carries the same meaning as Mrs.

 

Sources:

 

1. Mr. D.S. Banji

 

2. Dr. J.F. Adetunji

 

OKUTALA

1. Mr. Ajos Fajobi is a member of the S.D.A. He was listed as UPN leader in the 1970s.

 

2. Okutala is in Ejidongari District. It had ever been in Ejidongari District.

 

3. There is no recorded history of Okutala just like most, if not all ancient towns in Nigeria. As a result of this lack of historical record, the actual date or year of their founding can not be given. It was founded by a man called Ayinla, a hunter who moved from Ile-Ife. His first place of call where he made a temporary sojourn after leaving Ile-Ife was Shao. It was from Shao he moved to the site now called Okutala. The name Okutala derived from “Okuta Ayinla” meaning Ayinla’s Okutala. That is the spot where he first settled and with which he was highly associated. People identified the site with him and whenever people were going to visit him they would say “Anlo si Okuta Ayinla,” literally meaning, “We are going to Ayinla’s rock.” Over the years it metamorphosed to Okutala.

 

Sources:

 

NAME                                   COMPOUND                       TOWN                      AGE

 

1 Mr. Amos Fajobi                 Ile Alagba                           Okutala                       58

 

2 Hon. Stephen Wole Oke     Ile Eyeba                             Shao                         49

 

3 Researched and Analysed by Jimoh A. Yakubu (B.A. (Hons) (His.) Unilorin)

 

SHAO

1. Yes, Babatunde is the father of Wole Oke. They are both from Ile Eyeba.

 

2. Wole Oke attended Government College Kaduna (1961-1965) for his Secondary Education. Then he proceeded to Barewa College Zaria for his Higher School Certificate, 1966-67. After this he went to the Ahmadu Bello University between 1968-1971. He was at the Institute of Administration School of Business where he read Business Administration. He obtained his B.Sc (Hons) degree in Business Administration with a second class Upper Division.

             

          He also attended a UNIDO-IRI course in Rome-Italy for a  Certificate in Industrial Management in 1975. By training and profession Wole Oke is an Industrial Management Consultant.

 

3. Ajia Atikekere was never a village head in Shao, he was the district head for Oloru District.

 

Ohoro of Shao has from time immemorial been the village head of Shao, recognised as such during colonial period. As a matter of fact the Ohoro was recognised and graded as a traditional ruler in 1919 as “village head of Shao.” In 1983 the Ohoro was recognised and graded as a third class Chief by the civilian Administration at the time, only for the Military to divest him of this status in 1984.

 

4. As a matter of fact the name Ajia Atikekere will sound strange in the ears of the people of Shao today. The only person to whom the name Ajia can have any meaning is the Ohoro of Shao who by virtue of age and position must have known much about Ajia Atikekere. The present Ohoro of Shao was installed in 1947, some 49 years ago, a fact which makes him one of the oldest (if not the oldest) reigning traditional ruler in Kwara State today.

 

5.  By virtue of his position as traditional ruler under the Northern Regional government he was coerced into supporting the political party ruling the North at the time. He was also expected then to carry all his subjects (people of Shao and environs) to the fold of the ruling party, the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC). In the 1950s therefore the Ohoro and his family could be said to be member of the Northern Peoples Congress.

 

6. In the 1970s, when the Second Republic was taking off with the formation of political parties, the entire people of Shao, without any exception and without dissent opted for the Unity Party of Ni#ria (UPN). The people of Shao are Ohoro’s subjects and he cannot afford therefore to go against the political current of his people. To that extent therefore the Ohoro can be said to be affiliated to the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN).

 

Sources:

 

NAME                                     COMPOUND                         TOWN                         AGE

 

1 Hon. Stephen Wole Oke        Ile Eyeba                               Shao                           49

 

2 Ahmadu Eja                          Oke Sinja                                Shao                           62

 

3 Researched and Analysed by Jimoh A. Yakubu (B.A. (Hons) (His.) Unilorin)

 

DISTRICT HEADS

1. Sa-adu Alao, DH of Bala and brother to Emir Abdukadir is no more alive. He died in the y ear 1987. Sa-adu Laufe also a brother to Emir Abdukadir is the DH now.

 

2. Mallam Aliyu Abdukadir DH of Bala was chosen to replace Sulu Gambari as Emir on March 1st, 1992 [and reigned until] 1995. He is dead.

 

3. The present Magaji Ojuekun is Alhaji Sa-adu Ayinde. Magaji Ojuekun is not the DH of Onire. The post of DH of Onire is given to another member of Ojuekun family. Historically, the people of Ojuekun moved from Onire to Ilorin and settled in an area now known and called Ojuekun, therefore, both the people of Onire  and Ojuekun are of the same family. The DH of Onire is Alhaji Issa Alapa. Alapa is the Headquarters of Onire District.

             

          Onire  District has not been controlled by the Magaji Ojuekun himself. Instead according to tradition where Magaji Ojuekun dies, whoever may be the DH of Onire will move down to Ilorin and take over the seat. Another member of the family will be chosen to be the DH of Onire. This only applies to Magaji Ojuekun when he dies.

             

          Ariyibi is a village occupied by the same people of Ojuekun family. In other words, both [the] villages of Ariyibi [and] Onire and Ojuekun Ward in Ilorin township are of the same family.

             

          The family always quarrel on land, particularly on the ownership of locust bean trees (cash crop) in the past. Locust bean trees produce “beans” every year which they use to make Local Magi [ = “Maggi cubes” i.e., flavouring for stews]. Since a lot of money is realised from it yearly the issue of who owns the land used to occur among the family members which always resulted in a quarrel, especially during the locust bean harvesting periods.

             

          However, the quarrel had been put to rest by the late Emir—Sulu Gambari—who allocated the land to those resident at Onire and Ariyibi villages. He forbids trespass by any family member on another man’s land. Each member of the family is to man the land and the locust bean trees within his jurisdiction.

Sources:

NAME                                    COMPOUND                         TOWN                     AGE

 

1 Alhaji Layinka Gambari             Afin                                   Ilorin                         50

 

2 Alhaji Baba Balogun      Retired Personnel                      Asa LGA                     56

                                                  Officer II

 

3 Dr. Sule Abdul                          Ipata                                   Ilorin                         41

 

4 Alfa Yisa Subir                       Ojuekun                                Ilorin                         49

 

5 Researched and Analysed by Jimoh A. Yakubu (B.A. (Hons) (His.) Unilorin)

 

LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREAS

1 Asa, Moro and Ilorin local government areas were set up in the year 1976.

 

2 The L.G.A. edict of 1976 which established the former 12 L.G.A.s in the State was amended by a bill of the House of Assembly. This called for more L.G.A.s bringing the total numbers of L.G.A.s in the State to 24. It was signed into law in August 1981 by the governor of the State, Alhaji Adamu Attah. Therefore Asa, Moro and Ilorin were subdivided in the year 1981.

 

(A) The names of the new L.G.A.s were:-

 

(i) Out of Asa L.G.A., Owode L.G.A. was carved out with the Headquarters at Alapa.

 

(ii) Out of Moro L.G.A., Orere L.G.A. was created with the Headquarters at Bode Sadu.

 

(iii) Out of Ilorin L.G.A., Osin L.G.A. was created with the Headquarters at Agbeyangi.

 

(B) However, there was another review of the edict in the year 1983 by the same governor whereby 8 additional local government areas were created, making the total number of the L.G.A.s to be 32. Out of Ilorin L.G.A. two L.G.A.s were created:-

 

(i) Southern Ilorin L.G.A. with the Headquarters at Oloje.

 

(ii) Northern Ilorin L.G.A. with the Headquarters at Pake.

 

(3) These L.G.A.s were later cancelled and reverted back to Asa, Moro and Ilorin in the year 1984 by the Federal Military Government under General Muhammadu Buhari and General Tunde Idiagbon.

 

Sources:

 

1 Mr. Useni Garba. Information officer, Kwara State Ministry of Information. Age 42

 

2 Bill of House of Assembly 1981

 

3 Researched and Analysed by Jimoh A. Yakubu (B.A. (Hons) (His.) Unilorin)

 

DISTRICTS

1. At some point in the past, some villages in the southern part of Afon District became part of Oyun Division and not District. These villages are Ikotun and Ojoku in the y ear 1968. Ojoku and Ikotun were carved out of Afon District to form Oke Ogun District in Oyun Division, with the district headquarters at Ikotun. Other villages in Oke Ogun are: Falokun Oja, Faje, Igbotele, Oke Oye, Gudugba, Oriho, Agbamun I, Agbamun II, Budo Ganmo, Falokun Panabon.

 

2. The small village of Ajagusi is still under Afon District.

 

3. The village of Ago Oja is in Afon District. It is not in Osin Aremun village area.

 

3b. Osin Aremun village is in Ilorin West L.G.A.

 

4. Gama, Oko Jimba, and  Jimba Oja are in Idofian District of Ifelodun L.G.A. They are not in
Ajase District. Ajase District is in Irepodun L.G.A.

             

          J.A. Otunola was a native of Elesinmeta. He was not a lawyer. He was a retired Agric Extension officer and a politician when he died in 1979.

 

Sources:

 

NAME                                    COMPOUND                         TOWN                       AGE

 

1 Adeniyi Jimoh                     Ile Alagbede                           Ojoku                          56

 

2 Aremun Osin                      Osin Aremun                      Osin Aremun                   57

 

3 Researched and Analysed by Jimoh A. Yakubu (B.A. (Hons) (His.) Unilorin)

6.2b(iii) Extracts from correspondence Adetunji/O’Hear

 

Extract from letter from Dr. J.F. Adetunji, Kwara State Polytechnic, to Ann O’Hear, Niagara Falls, NY, USA, 27 June 1994.

“With my background knowledge on Christian Missions in the areas mentioned in your letter we thought that this will be useful to the research Work. It may interest you that I hold a Diploma in Church Ministries. It is interesting also that you mentioned Apado as one of the research villages. My father was a Pastor at Apado in the 50s.”

 

Extract from letter from Ann O’Hear to Dr. J.F. Adetunji, 4 August 1994.

“I enclose 2 copies of all the questions. Please don’t worry if you can’t find answers to all of them, or even to most of them. For the parts you can’t answer, it would be helpful if you could tell me whether people just don’t know, or can’t remember; or whether they refuse to answer; or whether it’s just too unsafe to ask the questions.”

 

Extract from letter from Dr. J.F. Adetunji to Ann O’Hear, 21 September 1994.

“The assignment was a bit tasking as we had to compare information from different sources. In the process we also learnt a lot.”

 

Extract from letter from Ann O’Hear to Dr. J.F. Adetunji, 4 December 1994. [re communication problems]

“I am very sorry you haven’t been receiving my letters. I received your first letter with a copy of your report, ages ago, and I immediately wrote off to you. . . . Then when I wrote our Christmas card to you, I repeated my thanks. Now, in the last few days, I have received two more letters, with copies of your report; first the one dated 11 November and sent regular air mail; then the one dated 21 November and sent by speed mail (this took about 11 days to arrive). So you haven’t received either of my replies. . . . I am sending this off . . . by express mail. . . .

 

Extract  from letter from Rev. Dr. J.F. Adetunji, University of Ilorin, to Ann O’Hear, 9 July 1996. [re e.g., communication problems]

“The work has taken some time because of the need to give accurate information and because of the high demands by informants. This letter is being sent through somebody travelling to U.S. I am sorry you have not received the letter we sent through express mail.”

 

6.3 Anonymous informant, report, written in 1995, on the 1979 elections, including  those in the dependent rural areas around Ilorin, largely populated by descendants of slaves

 

Background information and text of the report

 

This report was written by an individual who at the time of the 1979 elections was living on the campus of what was then called the Kwara State College of Technology.

 

The college campus had been situated just outside the city of Ilorin, within the dependent areas that were (and are) in large part populated by poor farmers, many of them descendants of slaves who had been settled there by their masters, who lived in the city and owned the farmlands. Only a very small part of the campus had been built on by 1979, to provide classrooms, areas for practical work, offices and workshops, and houses for members of the faculty and staff. The rest remained unchanged, still populated by poor farmers. Many of the lecturers and administrative staff of the college came, like the author of the report, from long-settled Yoruba towns and villages to the east of the city, which were generally speaking hostile to the city elite, and which embraced the opportunities that had been created in their areas by missionary education from the colonial period onward. They were regarded as dangerous by traditionalists who wished to preserve the status quo.

 

I have deleted the name of the author’s home town, to preserve anonymity.

 

 

A PERSONAL TESTIMONY/ACCOUNT OF THE 1979 ELECTIONS IN NIGERIA

 

My family lived on the campus of Kwara State College of Technology (now Polytechnic) during the controversial elections into various political offices. The college had about one hundred and fifty residential academic/administrative staff and dependants as well as over two thousand students; all these people were eligible to vote. Since each polling station was designed to register and accommodate 500 people, our college had several polling stations allocated and we were registered on our campus prior to the elections. There were initial attempts to frustrate the registration exercise but my family members were determined to exercise our right and we got registered against several odds.

 

The elections were scheduled for five consecutive Saturdays to cover election of people into the states’ Houses of Assembly, the House of Representatives, Senate, Governorship elections and the Presidential elections respectively. My experience during each election varied and we later discovered that this is because certain groups of people were so tenacious in their desire to rig the elections that they wanted to disenfranchise politically aware intellectuals who could not be bribed to vote contrary to their convictions

 

Elections into the States’ Houses of Assembly and the House of Representatives

 

We were able to vote in the first two elections although there were allegations and evidence of rigging all over the country. It is generally believed that each of the parties had a conducive atmosphere to rig in their strongholds by multiple voting or simply by filling ballot boxes with imaginary voting coupons or even replacing the legitimate ballot boxes with fake ones filled with equally fake voting coupons.

 

Senatorial Elections

 

This was a tough one. As the elections became more important, the more desperate were the efforts to keep the elite out. Nonetheless, I was able to vote but my [spouse] could not. Several names were missing from the voters’ lists even though their names were listed during the first two elections and the same voters’ lists were valid for all the elections. [My spouse] later went to our home town and this gave [my spouse] an insight into some of the electoral problems. Our home town is [deleted] in Irepodun local government area which is considered to be one of the most enlightened parts of the state. Thousands of people had registered to vote in their home towns and not where they worked or lived and they had travelled home to exercise their right by voting for a candidate of their choice. This attitude is not unique to our area since many Nigerians prefer to influence the choice of representatives in their home area and not their place of residence. This is because development often depends on which party an area supports and Nigerians are sufficiently patriotic to put a higher premium on the development of their home town than the place of residence.

 

In our senatorial district, a particular candidate won by a “landslide” majority as Nigerians put it but there were overt attempts to rig because the candidate did not belong to the mafia-controlled party that was slated for victory. A parallel compilation of fake results was going on while the actual results were being counted. Fortunately, the actual result got to Radio Kwara first and was sustained. Some members of our college were relieved of their jobs eight months later for exposing some of the fraudulent practices or for preventing the “chosen” party’s candidate from winning by a false declaration.

 

 Governorship Election

 

All the polling stations on our college campus were cancelled. After several hours of confusion and anxiety by those of us who wished to vote, we learnt that our voters’ lists had been retrieved in an obscure village several miles from our campus and we were advised to go there if we wanted to vote. This did not discourage my family but several families on our campus did not wish to take the trouble and the risk so they did not vote. We got to this village that had no regular motorable road by negotiating and manoeuvred our way through a footpath by driving through such a dust track! We got to this village only to discover that our names were not on the list. We had to go to another village about three miles away that was even more remote and less accessible.

 

Most of the names of the people from our college were on the list in this second village but in a distorted order showing clearly that the original list had been tampered with. We eventually voted after much argument. We observed that only the posters of two our of the five parties were put up in this polling station and this is contrary to the regulations since millions of electorates were illiterate and would only choose a candidate by identifying the parties’ symbol. By failing to put up the posters of some parties, many people would have assumed that those parties had no candidates for the particular election. We pointed this out and asked the electoral officers to correct the situation. They got so angry and aggressive it was obvious they had something at stake. They insulted us and dismissed our observation as a futile academic exercise. Hundreds of people were disenfranchised because they could not find the village! That election later became very controversial and there were allegations that the candidate declared the winner did not actually win. There were election tribunals in the state concerning this election but the candidate who was declared victorious was upheld as the governor of the state. Similar problems were reported all over the country as “apparent losers” took “apparent winners” to court with no changes to the original declarations of victory.

 

 Presidential Election

 

This was the toughest! On the eve of the election, the incumbent military Head of State went on the air to announce to Nigerians that “the best man may not win this election” and this became a household comment later. My family and I could not vote in the presidential election because there were no polling booths on our campus. All over the town of Ilorin where we lived, by 11 o’clock that morning there were no activities in several polling booths especially in Sabo and the G.R.A. where most non-indigenes and intellectuals lived. Many people were turned back or told that voting had been concluded hours before the official end of the day’s election. There were rumours that the voting had been completed in the houses and compounds of ward heads but we could not confirm this because these places were heavily guarded and it would have been risky to go there since we had no legitimate business there. We also learnt that the voters’ lists had been edited or restructured.

 

Like previous elections, the results of the presidential election became problematic for a long time and from my personal experience of indescribable fraud and corruption in countless ways, my verdict is, “Call the 1979 political event any name but it was neither an election nor a democratic exercise.”

 

Afterword

 

The method of voting adopted in 1979 was a failure. Many Nigerians therefore called for a different system subsequently. This explains the open voting and open counting system put in place during 1993 elections. Without any bias, I will say that that was the nearest to a trouble-free and fair election that Nigeria has witnessed in three decades of quest for democracy. No wonder the method was not allowed to survive and no-one knows how Nigeria will wriggle out of the maze of the present [1995] political jam.

 
 

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